W & J Galloway & Sons
caution !! this is an initial draft ... these notes are on my server for safe keeping !!
William Sharp Galloway (1863-1920) was the grandson of John Galloway (1804-94) a partner, with his elder brother William Galloway (1796-1873), in the firm W & J Galloway of Knott Mill, Manchester ... and this Galloway family were successful innovative engineers specialising in steam engines of repute ... this was a big company ... cashing in on the industrial revolution in steam ...
William Sharp was not a misfit or a family renegade. When he was 18 he was a loyal engineering apprentice in the big family business ... but in 1854 it seemed his dad William Lewis Galloway (1832-) had left the family business to try his hand in sugar, and young William had followed his dad ...
'SUGARBAKERS ... from sweat to sweetness' by Bryan Mawer, 2011. Sugar Refiners & Sugarbakers ...... Web Database
This erudite book and database identifies all that is to be known about sugar and the sugarbakers, a splendid effort ...
'It is generally agreed that the sugar trade began in
the UK, in London, c1544, with two cane sugar refineries .... today there is
In between, a vast number of individuals and companies have come and gone, in an industry, which until the 20c, was a notoriously labour intensive, hot, exhausting, and dangerous place to work.
A database of some of those involved in the cane sugar refining industry, mainly in the UK, 16-20C.
Additional information may be available from the original sources, or from the compiler, who will also be pleased to receive further contributions to the database'.
Manchester was a hot spot for sugar refiners as Bryan Mawer's map shows and one company involved in the story was W & J Galloway. Galloways were manufacturers of sugar refining equipment in partnership with the great Henry Bessemer and supplied new refinery equipment to Messrs Sharp & Scott of Salford in 1853.
William Lewis Galloway joined Sharp & Scott as a partner on the death of Mr Scott in 1854. The move was a reasoned opportunity to join a great industry. Son William Sharp Galloway also joined the firm and was made a partner in 1886.
William Sharp Galloway got to work straight away and undertook an extensive tour of America, Australia, New Zealand & India learn business and drum up some contracts for the firm. He returned to a hero's welcome.
Sugar refining had been well established by the 18th century with more than 50 English refineries but the necessarily imported raw material always seemed to present problems associated with disruptive wars, protective tariffs (continental bounties), refining at source in Jamaica and the higher wage & tax costs in England ... and the South Sea Bubble? ... the usual culprits on the debit side ... nevertheless, as John Hutcheson points out, Adam Smith, David Ricardo, James Watt, William Wilberforce and the Wesleys were around on the credit side!
In this competitive quagmire, together with the English commitment to free trade, it was clear the industry only survived because of the advanced technology available from firms like Galloway & Bessemer! However, as always, technical advances need persistence and acquired 'know how', Henry Bessemer experienced expensive failures before the success of his famous process ...
Sharp & Galloway in Manchester, although close to coal, was perhaps further disadvantaged as the economics seemed to favour the great port cities where the raw material was unloaded and refined close to population centres ... London, Liverpool & Bristol had more refineries ... then later advantage moved to the producing countries themselves ... it was easy to feel that William Lewis made a bum decision moving into sugar ... but it doesn't work like that ... as things evolved unpredictable it became much more profitable to make steam boilers than refine sugar, the sugar growing countries became a market for boilers only if they refined sugar themselves, how else could they afford to by Galloway boilers ... similarly the protection of the French sugar refining industry provided additional profits for the boiler makers ... funny business, the French subsidies were ending up as Galloway profits! Predicting the path of new technology is impossible Bessemer himself failed with his sugar initiatives and then saw spectacular profits from his steel making process ...
Galloways Limited of Manchester was an epic company of the industrial revolution ... Wikipedia has all the details ...
W & J Galloway & Sons was a British manufacturer of steam engines and boilers, based in Manchester, England. The firm was established in 1835 as a partnership of two brothers, William & John Galloway. The partnership expanded to encompass their sons and in 1889 it was restructured as a limited liability company. The company went into receivership in 1932 and in 1933, Hick, Hargreaves & Co purchased the complete records, drawings and patterns of the defunct firm.
Prior to setting up their own business the brothers had been apprenticed to their father's partnership, a maker of waterwheels & gearing for mills. The new firm was a specialist producer of steam engines & industrial boilers with a worldwide customer base and a reputation for ingenuity. Their products were used in such diverse areas as sugar refining, electricity generation and refrigeration. The business grew with the increasing application of steam power in industry, and it died with industry's move to the application of electric power.
William Galloway, the father, was born in 1768 at Coldstream in the Scottish Borders, became a millwright and eventually moved to Manchester in 1790. Many Scots moved to England around this time, seeking to gain from the rapid expansion of industry ... including James Watt ...
He set up business at his home address of 37 Lombard Street. In 1806 he formed a partnership in business with a friend and fellow ex-resident of Coldstream, James Bowman. Galloway offered a joint business venture in return for a £200 injection of capital. Bowman moved from London, where he had gone to seek his fortune, and took up residence at Trumpet Street, Manchester. It would appear that the partnership with Bowman coincided with a move of premises to the Caledonia Foundry at 44 Great Bridgewater Street, on the corner of Albion Street in the Gaythorn district. At this point the business was trading as millwrights but by 1813 'engineers' had been added to their description, and by 1817 'ironfounders' had been added. The term 'engineer' in relation to mechanical work was still a relatively new one.
At around 1820 William Glasgow, a foundry man from the Tweed who had been working in Bolton for Rothwell & Hick, joined Galloway & Bowman as a junior partner. His role was to supervise the new ironfounding section of the business. The works were extended by the purchase of additional land around this time. The partnership manufactured water wheels, their associated gearing, and other machinery associated with all forms of milling. As early as 1820 the men had completed some projects for customers in France (at Lille) and the United States (Charleston, South Carolina).
Gallowy's son, John, wrote later -
'It was rather remarkable that nearly all the original millwrights in Manchester came from the neighbourhood of the Tweed ... all were Scotchmen, quiet, respectable and mostly middle aged, with experience, for in those days a man was not put to mind one machine year after year. He had to understand pretty nearly the whole process, from taking particulars and making patterns, to fixing machinery in the mill'.
At some time prior to 1828 Galloway & Bowman formed a partnership as machine makers. This was separate and in addition to their partnership with Glasgow, which continued to trade as millwrights, founders and engineers. It has also been speculated that Bowman married a sister of Galloway?
The firm of Galloway, Bowman & Glasgow became the repair facility for the fledgling Liverpool & Manchester Railway, which had no workshops of its own. In 1830–31 the partnership constructed their first steam locomotive, the 'Manchester', and by the following year had produced another, the 'Caledonian'. These had wooden wheels on to which were shrunk welded metal tyres. The wheels were built by John Ashbury, who was later to become a notable engineer in his own right and the owner of the eponymous railway wagon works at Openshaw, Manchester.
Neither locomotive was an initial success, although the design problems were resolved. In the case of the Caledonian the vertical cylinders were placed between the frames in front of the smokebox and drove vertically mounted connecting rods attached to the leading wheels, which were also in front of the smokebox. It had a tendency to derail and had to be rebuilt with inside cylinders and a cranked axle. Vertical cylinders were the norm at this time, the theory being that a horizontal or inclined arrangement would lead to premature wear due to the weight of the piston. There were four or five locomotives built in total, at a price fixed by the railway company of between £900 and £1000 each. John Galloway junior commented late in life that -
' the trade did not seem likely to be remunerative, and we certainly did not foresee the immense possibilities of the railroad. It was generally considered that about 20 engines would be all that would be required, and competition was keenly felt at the beginning'.
The success to come with stationary steam engines was in no small part based on the experiences with the short lived railway locomotive production; the locomotives had boilers rated for 50 pounds per square inch, compared to the normal stationary engine boiler rating of 5 or 10 psi at that time. To put this into context, however, John Galloway senior is reported to have said that the challenges of building a locomotive were nothing compared to those of getting it out of the works and on to the railway afterwards. He elaborated that -
'When we had constructed the engine ... we were met with the serious difficulty of getting it down to the station. We could not put steam on, nor was there a wagon which would take it; so we had to 'bar' it down to Ordsal Lane, which took a gang of men with crowbars from six o'clock in the evening until nine o'clock the next morning'.
By this time the partnership were producing a wide range of engineered items, including - wagons and associated parts for collieries and the Liverpool and Manchester Railway; machinery for silk mills and for salt works; steam engines for cotton mills; pipes for Benjamin Joule's Salford Brewery in New Bailey Street, Salford; and also a lead rolling mill.
William Galloway junior was born in 1796 and in 1804 his brother, John, was born at his father's Lombard Street address. The brothers were both apprenticed for seven years to their father from the age of 14, William as an ironfounder and John as a millwright & engineer. Bowman's son, William, was similarly apprenticed, as a millwright from 1821. In the last year of his apprenticeship, 1824, John Galloway went to Dunkirk to install engines, boilers and pumps for the French government.
William Galloway senior died in 1836 and some time between April and December 1838 James Bowman also died. Glasgow had given Bowman six months' notice of his wish to terminate the partnership on 11 April 1838. In 1839 the Galloway brothers bought up some of the stock of the erstwhile partnership which was being disposed of by auction. The Caledonia foundry building itself was subsumed by Central Station by the 1890s.
The Galloway brothers had stayed working for their father's partnership until in 1835, not long before its demise, they set up business together as W & J Galloway. They had been considering such a move since at least 1830, with John saying many years later that, 'there were too many in partnership already, and conflicting interests began to present themselves'.
The brothers built a foundry at Knott Mill, an area around Chester Road in Hulme, Manchester. This was constructed on the site of former premises which had served a similar purpose but had fallen into disuse subsequent to the death of its owner, Alexander Brodie, in 1811. The site was near to William's address as known in 1832, which was 26 Jackson's Lane, Hulme. A key advantage of the site was the adjacent River Medlock, sources of water being vital for iron founding and the operation of steam engines, and it was the erosion caused by this watercourse which required the works to be built on two levels. It has been noted that the Medlock had a greater concentration of steam engines along its length than any other similar river in England and the quality of the water was so poor, due to industrial pollution, that there were in fact immense difficulties with priming in steam engine boilers.
Prior to 1840 the firm had manufactured at least two steam engines, the first being for Hayward of Yeovil, Somerset and the second for a mill in Glossop, Derbyshire. In that year they were successfully gaining much work in the manufacture of gas pipes and equipment for gasworks, this being a new and burgeoning industry. From 1842 to 1847 the brothers were also in partnership, as Galloways & Company, with Joseph Haley, in Manchester & Paris, as 'Manufacturers of Patent Screw or Lifting Jacks; patentees of Machines for cutting, punching & compressing Metals; and Rivets and other articles constructed by the said last-mentioned Machines; and as Cotton Banding Manufacturers'. In 1847 the partnership was dissolved, with the Galloways continuing to manufacture the machines and rivets in Manchester and Haley continuing with the rivets in Paris. By 1856 they had six of these machines in their own factory and were manufacturing two tons of rivets per machine per day, the devices being operated by one man and 20 boys.
From 1848 the brothers were taking out numerous patents related to steam power, with John Galloway taking a particular interest in issues that would improve the efficiency of boilers. Prior to that they had registered at least one design to improve efficiency under the Designs Act of 1843. The most significant of the early patents were from 1851 for the Galloway boiler, (UK patent 13532/1851). They had been building boilers of this type prior to the patent being granted, since at least 1849, and one was exhibited in 1851 at the Great Exhibition before being subsequently purchased by the West Ham Gutta Percha Company. The firm went on to build approximately 9,000 of this type by 1891, as well as licensing the design for manufacture by other parties. Indeed, so much work was created by this aspect of the business that in 1872 premises were obtained on Hyde Road, near Ardwick railway station, just to handle it, leaving the Knott Mill works to concentrate on the building of engines.
The Lancashire boiler, which formed the basis on which the Galloways developed their 1851 design, had been patented by Sir William Fairbairn and John Hetherington in 1844. In 1854 Fairbairn was sent a warning letter by the firm regarding what they believed to be an infringement of their patents. Nine years previously the Galloways had done the same to James Lillie, a former business partner of Fairbairn, with reference to a boiler related design that they alleged had been registered by them in 1845, although there is no record of any such designs or patents of the type which were registered by the Galloways between 1843 and 1845.
It should be noted that the Galloway boiler was not entirely the work of the brothers as they certainly sought the advice of Robert Armstrong, a consulting engineer, in 1850 and indeed it was he who arranged for the boiler to be exhibited in 1851. Similarly, Sekon notes that at least one Galloway patent relating to boilers was actually originally devised by another person - Timothy Hackworth's 1830 design for the boiler of his locomotive The Globe was later patented by the Galloways for use with stationary steam engines.
From 1855 the firm was also working with Henry Bessemer, inventor of the eponymous process, in steel manufacture; he described William Galloway as 'my old friend' when writing in 1905. He had been a customer of the firm since 1843 when he had developed a process for refining sugar and employed the Galloways to construct it. The firm and he conducted a series of experiments throughout 1855 on land bought especially for the purpose at the Knott Mill Ironworks. This was while he was trying to prove his method, and Galloways are thought likely to have constructed the equipment that Bessemer then used in his later trials at Baxter House in London, after which he announced the process to the world in August 1856 at Cheltenham. From these events comes the claim, frequently made and including by John Galloway himself, that the first ingots of Bessemer steel in the world were made at the Knott Mill Ironworks. Furthermore, the Galloways were the first to license Bessemer's process, obtaining the rights to operate it in Manchester and for a radius of 10 miles around it before the process was made public. Within a month of his public announcement Bessemer had raised £27,000, granting further licenses to the Dowlais Ironworks (South Wales), Govan Iron Works (Glasgow), Butterley Iron Company (Derbyshire), and a tin-plate company in Wales.
The Knott Mill works were one of those at which Bessemer set up his experimental 'converting vessels' when attempting to prove his process commercially late in 1856. The tests failed to work as intended; it later became clear that this was because the pig iron used contained phosphorus whereas that with which he had experimented in London did not. The product was 'rotten hot and rotten cold', according to his friend, William Clay. He refunded the licensees' money and an additional £5,500.
It was a further two years before Bessemer resolved the technical metallurgical problems, at which point the Galloway ironworks were once again his test site. There he trialled the steel he had produced at his London factory, which he granulated and then transported for remelting and conversion into ingots at Sheffield.
So identical in all essential qualities was this steel with that usually employed that, during two months' trial of it, the workmen had not the slightest idea or suspicion that they were using steel made by a new process. They were accustomed to use steel of the best quality, costing £60 per ton, and they had no doubt whatever that they were still doing so.
When this success was achieved in 1858 the Galloways gave up their licensed rights, which had not been bought back as had those of the other licensees. They went instead into partnership with Bessemer, Robert Longsdon and William Daniel Allen (long-term business partners, and both of them his brothers-in-law) in building and operating his steel works in Sheffield. The business, which was established in 1859, was called Henry Bessemer & Co and the capital input totalled around £12,000 with Bessemer and Longdon contributing £6,000, Allen contributing £500 and the Galloways £5,000. The partnership agreement was to be operational for 14 years. It initially produced steel at £10 to £15 less per ton than had previously been possible, and later for around £45 less. The Galloways also supplied equipment for its works – including tyre mills for the production of railway wheels – as well as, later, for other works which licensed the process, such as the Weardale Iron Company and John Brown of Sheffield. The venture blossomed, although Bessemer himself was to make more money from his licensing deals.
Another involvement was in Bessemer's disastrous attempts to produce a ship with a stabilised passenger area, the SS Bessemer, for which the Galloway firm supplied the hydraulic equipment. The concept had been that a saloon within the vessel would be supported in such a way as not to pitch, roll or yaw as the ship sailed. (The ship's maneuverability was poor and, having crashed on its maiden voyage, investors lost confidence and the project was abandoned with the equipment remaining untested).
The firm also manufactured on behalf of Bessemer the converters for the works of the Pennsylvania Steel Company in the late 1860s. Along with the Bolton firm of Hick, Hargreaves, Galloways were the only business allowed to produce equipment for the new process.
Nor might these have been their only involvement - William Galloway owned some land at Runcorn and there were discussions between him and Bessemer regarding a partnership to erect a blast furnace there for the purpose of manufacturing 'rich manganesian pig-iron', which was required at that time to de-oxidise the molten blown metal. However, the delays in progressing this idea, due to Bessemer's process gaining widespread use, ultimately resulted in Galloway feeling that he was too old to embark on the venture.
The partnership of Henry Bessemer & Co. was formally announced to have ended in 1877 'by the effluxion of time', although the Sheffield factory continued production with Allen buying out Bessemer's interest in it that year. The dissolution of the partnership involved selling the business, its premises and its equipment. Including the distributions of profits made during its lifespan, each partner had at the date of effective dissolution in 1873 made 81 times the amount of money that they had original subscribed. William Galloway had died in 1873 (his executors being John Galloway junior, John Brown Payne & John Galloway Meller), as had Robert Longsdon, whose executors were also named in the notice of partnership dissolution; Bessemer had retired from day-to-day business in the same year.
1856 saw the sons of the firm's founders join the partnership. John Galloway was the son of William, born in 1826 at Great Jackson Street, Manchester, and Charles John was the son of John, born in 1833. Both had been apprenticed to the firm previously and its name was adjusted to reflect their involvement. Great Jackson Street was very close to the Knott Mill works and Pigot & Slater's General & Classified Directory of Manchester & Salford for 1841 not merely lists William junior living at number 69 but also John at number 55 and a Mrs Mary Galloway at 67. It also shows various members of the Glasgow family, including William at 34 Great Bridgewater Street and John at 53 Great Jackson Street.
Despite this expansion of the partnership a deed registered in the Court of Bankruptcy in 1864 only names William & John Galloway, who were to receive a payment of 6s 8d in the pound from Thomas Redhead of Belvoir Terrace, Old Chester Road, Tranmere, the proprietor of a steam tug. A later petition for the winding up of the Globe New Patent Iron & Steel Co Ltd in 1875 shows that by that date the partnership comprised John Galloway snr, John Galloway jnr, Charles John Galloway and Edward Napier Galloway. Edward was another son of John senior, who had married a Miss Lewis in 1827 and went on to have four sons and a daughter.
During the 1850s & 1860s the firm generated many overseas sales. These were to countries such as Turkey, India & Russia, and for items as diverse as gunpowder mills, boilers, presses, and steam engines for use in a wide variety of applications. The firm also supplied cast iron columns for buildings, constructed the pier at Southport and, between 1855 & 1857, a 1,535 feet railway viaduct over the River Leven close to Ulverston. The pier and the bridge both employed a new construction method, devised by John Galloway, using pressurised water jets to create the holes into which the piles were later driven.
Galloways were among the well known promoters of a new business, The Lancashire Steel Company Ltd, in 1863. The intention was that this new company would develop a 10 acre site at Gorton with buildings, blast furnaces and all the necessaries of steel production by the Bessemer process, in order initially to produce 200 tons a week of steel in blocks weighing up to 10 tons each. The site was adjacent to the Manchester, Sheffield & Lincolnshire Railway, for ease of transport. It was planned eventually to produce 20 ton blocks and to equip with the most powerful of tooling such that the company could supply the maritime market. Capitalisation was to be £150,000. In fact, the venture was a failure and it was wound-up in 1867.
Around 1873 the firm supplied two blowing engines to the huge Krupp steelworks at Essen, Germany. It was also in this decade that the company began to install flat belt drive systems for the transfer of power from their stationary steam engines to the looms and similar machinery which they were intended to service. This technique was common in the US but rare in Britain until this time; the advantages included less noise and less wasted energy in the friction losses inherent in the previously common drive shafts and their associated gearing. Also, maintenance was simpler and cheaper, and it was a more convenient method for the arrangement of power drives such that if one part were to fail then it would not cause loss of power to all sections of a factory or mill. These systems were in turn superseded in popularity by rope drive methods.
Charles John Galloway had a particular interest in exhibitions. The firm displayed two 40 horsepower Galloway boilers at the 1873 Vienna Universal Exhibition, as well as a 35 horsepower compound engine. In 1876 the firm was gazetted for an award for Services to the American Executive in Machinery Department at the Philadelphia International Exhibition, and he was awarded the title of Chevalier of the Legion of Honour after the Paris Exhibition of 1878, raised to the rank of Officer after the similarly titled event of 1889. He was also very active in the organisation of the Royal Manchester Jubilee Exhibition of 1887. John Galloway junior was chairman of the organising committee for the latter event. Some years later, in 1894, Galloways won the Grand Prix in the Motive & Machines section of the Antwerp International Exhibition.
Charles John did not limit his activities to that of the family firm and was chairman of Boiler Insurance & Steam Power Co Ltd in 1880, when an extraordinary general meeting held in King Street, Manchester resolved to liquidate the company and sell its business and assets. He was also a director of the Manchester Ship Canal Company and had been a director of the Steam Boiler Assurance Co Ltd.
The partnership was converted into a private company, Galloways Ltd, in 1889, with a share capital of £250,000 in £100 shares. The initial subscribers, who each took one share, were John Galloway, John Galloway junior, Charles John Galloway, Edward Napier Galloway, Arthur Walter Galloway, John Henry Beckwith, W E Norbury and C Rought – all but the last giving their address as the Knott Mill Ironworks. Beckwith, MIMechE, had been a frequent co-applicant with Charles John Galloway in applications for patents and provisional protection thereof; he had joined the company aged in his early 20s in 1864 as a draughtsman and after a brief interlude working for another business in Buenos Aires, returned in 1867; by 1877 he was chief design engineer and he became managing director with the conversion to limited company status; he resigned as managing director in 1897 but kept his seat on the board of directors until his death one year later.
John Galloway junior had been increasingly involved in the management of the partnership for many years as it grew rapidly but the restructuring of the partnership as a company saw Charles John Galloway installed as chairman and managing director. John Galloway junior had by this time numerous other business interests, as well as being a JP (as indeed was Charles) and having a great interest in philanthropy. His business interests included being chairman of Earle's Shipbuilding & Engineering Company at Hull, and a director of Carnforth Hematite Iron Co, founded 1865; the North of England Trustee, Debenture & Assets Corporation Ltd; Hoyland & Silkstone Colliery Co and the Blackpool Land Company. Earle's had built the SS Bessemer.
Five years later, in 1894, John Galloway senior died at the age of almost 90. His estate was valued at £143,117 and by this time there were 500 employees at the Knott Mill site and a further 800 at Ardwick. His last home address was Coldstream House, Old Trafford and his executors were William Lewis Galloway (his eldest son, a sugar refiner, of The Lawn, Brook Lane, Timperley), Edward Napier Galloway (Normanby, Altrincham) and John Galloway Meller (a land agent of Cooper Street, Manchester). An engineer, Edward Galloway was appointed a Land Tax Commissioner in 1899; he died in 1919 when living at Hill Rise, Leicester Road, Altrincham. The children of John Galloway established a charitable fund in memory of him and his wife, Emma, in 1895. This survived under the name of the John & Emma Galloway Memorial until 1991, when it was amalgamated.
John Galloway junior died in 1896 at his home, The Cottage, Seymour Grove, Manchester. He left one son, William Johnson Galloway, born in 1868, who was also involved with the family firm and was at the time of his father's death the Conservative MP for Manchester South West (his father, although keeping a low profile, was of Liberal persuasion and a member of the United Presbyterian Church). Both of these men were interred at Weaste Cemetery, Salford.
There was a capital restructuring in 1895, and in 1899 the business became a public limited company. Somewhere between these two dates the chairmanship appears to have moved from Charles John Galloway to Edward Napier Galloway, according to the announcements of these events in The London Gazette. However, The Engineer reported Charles John as chairman at the company's annual general meeting in 1901 and also noted that Sir Richard Mottram was a director. Mottram was Mayor of Salford between 1894 and 1898; he held other directorships with Manchester Liners Ltd and Chillan Mills Co Ltd.
The 1901 meeting authorised a dividend payment of 6% and also the issue of 2,746 shares at £10 each in order to aid investment in plant and extended premises for the purpose of manufacturing 'high-speed engines'. This issue of shares amounted to 20% of the then issued capital, and they were taken up by existing shareholders. In the same year the company did indeed extend its Knott Mill factory considerably, at which time a visitor noted in particular the work in progress on 'several exceptionally large engines for iron and steel works' (one had a 45 ton, 24 foot diameter flywheel and a total weight of 230 tons) and also a wood treatment plant for the Northern Wood Haskinising Company (haskinising was a wood preservation technique). There were also reports at this time that the company had licensed and was developing Pictet's discovery of an improved method for the production of oxygen gas, although there were also suggestions that this may have been as part of a syndicate involving other Manchester businesses. The plan was for Pictet to experiment further at the Galloway works and if the outcome was successful then a new company would be formed.
The 1902 annual general meeting confirmed that the expansion was complete, voted a similar dividend and re-elected William Johnson Galloway and Charles Rought as directors; it also noted that an order for a blowing machine from Carnforth Hematite was being processed.
Charles John Galloway died in 1904. His address at the time of death was Thorneyholme, Knutsford and his executors were Arthur Walter Galloway & Henry Bessemer Galloway, his sons and William Sharp Galloway, his nephew. He was interred at Mobberley Church.
The Galloway boiler was still being improved around this time. In 1902 the company introduced a superheater and in 1910 began to use another design of the same.
The company was involved in a significant court case in 1912, which went to the highest court of the land and was subsequently cited in other cases, including in the United States. In 1902 a Mr Noden, employed as a riveter, had an accident at work which resulted in the amputation of a finger. He resumed work at the company in 1903 as a caulker, which involved using a light hammer, but in 1910 was instructed to use a heavy pneumatic hammer. The vibration from this heavier hammer caused his hand to become inflamed and he sought compensation, based on his injury of 1902. A lower court awarded him this compensation but the judgment was overturned on appeal by the Law Lords, who directed that there was no evidence that the 1902 accident was a contributory cause of his injury of 1910 and that, in any event, the latter incident was not actually an accident at all and therefore there was no entitlement to compensation under the terms of the 1897 Workmen's Compensation Act.
There had been a previous judgment of some legal significance in 1900, being the matter of Statham vs Galloways Ltd. In this instance an employee had obeyed the order of a superior and as a consequence of doing so had suffered injury. The ruling was that the injured employee had stepped outside the Workmen's Compensation Act by doing something which he knew to be outside the scope of his duties but, nonetheless, obedience was also a duty and that obedience took precedence.
The company was placed in receivership on the application of its debenture holders in 1912, despite the business being 'much more promising than for some time past'. The cause of this was a proposal to issue prior lien debentures to the value of £50,000, a move which would dilute the position of existing debenture holders. It was reported that the company might be restructured in order to resolve this issue.
There was a restructuring of the company in 1925, a scheme of arrangement being made with shareholders and debenture holders such that the capital was reduced from £330,000 to £198,192. The following year saw the company take on the drawings and patterns of John Musgrave & Sons following the closure of that business.
It has been calculated that the number of engineering firms in Manchester more than halved between 1899 and 1939, with the inter war recession causing particularly severe contraction in the manufacturing spheres of textile machinery, locomotive engineering and boiler making. The businesses most likely to survive were those that did not rely extensively on exports, on the production of capital goods and on time served skilled labour – 'the newer, more capital-intensive, mass-production, domestic market-oriented engineering firms, employing a large proportion of semi-skilled labour fared better and dominated the industry by 1939'.
In 1848, Galloways patented the Galloway tube, a tapered thermic syphon water tube inserted in the furnace of a Lancashire boiler. The tubes are tapered, simply to make their installation through the flue easier. The addition of 'Galloway tubes' brought an improvement in heat transfer and fuel efficiency. These were metal tubes that crossed the hottest part of the furnace. They improved water circulation and increased the area of the heating surface. Galloway tubes also acted as stiffeners and greatly strengthened the main flues against collapse.
These were followed in 1851 by the Galloway boiler. The flues
beyond the two furnaces of the Lancashire boiler were merged together into a
single wide flue. This widened and flat topped flue was stayed by the
use of many conical vertical Galloway tubes being riveted into it, improving
the circulation of water and increasing the heating surface.